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I have had a never-ending love affair with music. My earliest childhood memories are of trying to play everything I heard on the piano, classical, jazz and Brazilian jazz.
Thank you for taking an interest in getting to know a little more about me.
Mihran Kalaydjian Singing You are my eyes
Location: Calabasas, CA
Mino Element Band Members
Aram Kasabian – Lead Guitar
Sevan Manoukian – Drummer
Hratch Panossian – Bass
Samer Khoury – Violin
Tony Amer – Saxophone
Haim Cohen – KeyBoard
Albert Panikian – Trumpet
Nicole Del Sol – Percussion
Dana Debos – Trombone
Your eyes made me mad,
Your lips tavern for me.
When I walk beside you,
You are my sweetest smile, as if
I am dreaming.
Your every glance, I am flying in the sky
And many countries do not go down.
I feel like I’m in a row,
This seems like a bear to honey, and you
Each person will say,
The circumstances of the seven songs I know,
And all seven of you.
But many people say to me,
This bad boy
But your beautiful eyes.
I like dimanam.
This heavenly dream for me to be stretched out too long
Copyright Disclaimer Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for “fair use” for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or personal use tips the balance in favor of fair use.
Mihran Kalaydjian Playing My Ballerina Location: San Francisco, CA
Recording & arrangement: Paramount Studios
Honor Guest: Armenian Guitarist Sevan
Mino Element Band Members
Aram Kasabian – Lead Guitar
Sevan Manoukian – Drummer
Hratch Panossian – Bass
Samer Khoury – Violin
Tony Amer – Saxophone
Haim Cohen – KeyBoard
Albert Panikian – Trumpet
Nicole Del Sol – Percussion
Dana Debos – Trombone
My Little Ballerina
Graceful
Beautiful
Angelic
My little ballerina
Happy
Intelligent
Alive
My little ballerina
Precious
Loving
Amazing
My little ballerina
Sweet
Gentle
Adoring
My little ballerina
I’ll hold you
Forever
Until the end My Little Ballerina
Copyright Disclaimer Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for “fair use” for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or personal use tips the balance in favor of fair use
The Armenian Genocide – 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide
In April 1915 the Ottoman government embarked upon the systematic decimation of its civilian Armenian population. The persecutions continued with varying intensity until 1923 when the Ottoman Empire ceased to exist and was replaced by the Republic of Turkey. The Armenian population of the Ottoman state was reported at about two million in 1915. An estimated one million had perished by 1918, while hundreds of thousands had become homeless and stateless refugees. By 1923 virtually the entire Armenian population of Anatolian Turkey had disappeared.
The Ottoman Empire was ruled by the Turks who had conquered lands extending across West Asia, North Africa and Southeast Europe. The Ottoman government was centered in Istanbul (Constantinople) and was headed by a sultan who was vested with absolute power. The Turks practiced Islam and were a martial people. The Armenians, a Christian minority, lived as second class citizens subject to legal restrictions which denied them normal safeguards. Neither their lives nor their properties were guaranteed security. As non-Muslims they were also obligated to pay discriminatory taxes and denied participation in government. Scattered across the empire, the status of the Armenians was further complicated by the fact that the territory of historic Armenia was divided between the Ottomans and the Russians.
In its heyday in the sixteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was a powerful state. Its minority populations prospered with the growth of its economy. By the nineteenth century, the empire was in serious decline. It had been reduced in size and by 1914 had lost virtually all its lands in Europe and Africa. This decline created enormous internal political and economic pressures which contributed to the intensification of ethnic tensions. Armenian aspirations for representation and participation in government aroused suspicions among the Muslim Turks who had never shared power in their country with any minority and who also saw nationalist movements in the Balkans result in the secession of former Ottoman territories. Demands by Armenian political organizations for administrative reforms in the Armenian-inhabited provinces and better police protection from predatory tribes among the Kurds only invited further repression. The government was determined to avoid resolving the so-called Armenian Question in any way that altered the traditional system of administration. During the reign of the Sultan Abdul Hamid (Abdulhamit) II (1876-1909), a series of massacres throughout the empire meant to frighten Armenians and so dampen their expectations, cost up to three hundred thousand lives by some estimates and inflicted enormous material losses on a majority of Armenians.
In response to the crisis in the Ottoman Empire, a new political group called the Young Turks seized power by revolution in 1908. From the Young Turks, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), Ittihad ve Terakki Jemiyeti, emerged at the head of the government in a coup staged in 1913. It was led by a triumvirate: Enver, Minister of War; Talaat, Minister of the Interior (Grand Vizier in 1917); and Jemal, Minister of the Marine. The CUP espoused an ultranationalistic ideology which advocated the formation of an exclusively Turkish state. It also subscribed to an ideology of aggrandizement through conquest directed eastward toward other regions inhabited by Turkic peoples, at that time subject to the Russian Empire. The CUP also steered Istanbul toward closer diplomatic and military relations with Imperial Germany. When World War I broke out in August 1914, the Ottoman Empire formed part of the Triple Alliance with the other Central Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary, and it declared war on Russia and its Western allies, Great Britain and France.
The Ottoman armies initially suffered a string of defeats which they made up with a series of easy military victories in the Caucasus in 1918 before the Central Powers capitulated later that same year. Whether retreating or advancing, the Ottoman army used the occasion of war to wage a collateral campaign of massacre against the civilian Armenian population in the regions in which warfare was being conducted. These measures were part of the genocidal program secretly adopted by the CUP and implemented under the cover of war. They coincided with the CUP’s larger program to eradicate the Armenians from Turkey and neighboring countries for the purpose of creating a new Pan-Turanian empire. Through the spring and summer of 1915, in all areas outside the war zones, the Armenian population was ordered deported from their homes. Convoys consisting of tens of thousands including men, women, and children were driven hundreds of miles toward the Syrian desert.
The deportations were disguised as a resettlement program. The brutal treatment of the deportees, most of whom were made to walk to their destinations, made it apparent that the deportations were mainly intended as death marches. Moreover, the policy of deportation surgically removed the Armenians from the rest of society and disposed of great masses of people with little or no destruction of property. The displacement process, therefore, also served as a major opportunity orchestrated by the CUP for the plundering of the material wealth of the Armenians and proved an effortless method of expropriating all of their immovable properties.
The genocidal intent of the CUP measures was also evidenced by the mass killings that accompanied the deportations. Earlier, Armenian soldiers in the Ottoman forces had been disarmed and either worked to death in labor battalions or outright executed in small batches. With the elimination of the able-bodied men from the Armenian population, the deportations proceeded with little resistance. The convoys were frequently attacked by bands of killers specifically organized for the purpose of slaughtering the Armenians. As its instrument of extermination, the government had authorized the formation of gangs of butchers—mostly convicts released from prison expressly enlisted in the units of the so-called Special Organization, Teshkilâti Mahsusa. This secret outfit was headed by the most ferocious partisans of the CUP who took it upon themselves to carry out the orders of the central government with the covert instructions of their party leaders. A sizable portion of the deportees, including women and children, were indisciminately killed in massacres along the deportation routes. The cruelty characterizing the killing process was heightened by the fact that it was frequently carried out by the sword in terrifying episodes of bloodshed. Furthermore, for the survivors, their witnessing of the murder of friends and relatives with the mass of innocent persons was the source of serious trauma. Many younger women and some orphaned children were also abducted and placed in bondage in Turkish and Muslim homes resulting in another type of trauma characterized by the shock of losing both family and one’s sense of identity. These women and children were frequently forbidden to grieve, were employed as unpaid laborers, and were required to assimilate the language and religion of their captors.
The government had made no provisions for the feeding of the deported population. Starvation took an enormous toll much as exhaustion felled the elderly, the weaker and the infirm. Deportees were denied food and water in a deliberate effort to hasten death. The survivors who reached northern Syria were collected at a number of concentration camps whence they were sent further south to die under the scorching sun of the desert. Through methodically organized deportation, systematic massacre, deliberate starvation and dehydration, and continuous brutalization, the Ottoman government reduced its Armenian population to a frightened mass of famished individuals whose families and communities had been destroyed in a single stroke.
Resistance to the deportations was infrequent. Only in one instance did the entire population of an Armenian settlement manage to evade death. The mountaineers of Musa Dagh defended themselves in the heights above their villages until French naval vessels in the eastern Mediterranean detected them and transported them to safety. The inhabitants of the city of Van in eastern Armenia defended themselves until relieved by advancing Russian forces. They abandoned the city in May 1915, a month after the siege was lifted, when the Russian Army withdrew. The fleeing population was hunted down mercilessly by Turkish irregular forces. Inland towns that resisted, such as Urfa (Edessa), were reduced to rubble by artillery. The survival of the Armenians in large part is credited not to acts of resistance, but to the humanitarian intervention led by American Ambassador Henry Morgenthau. Although the Allied Powers expressly warned the Ottoman government about its policy of genocide, ultimately it was through Morgenthau’s efforts that the plight of the Armenians was publicized in the United States. The U.S. Congress authorized the formation of a relief committee which raised funds to feed “the starving Armenians.” Near East Relief, as the committee was eventually known, saved tens of thousands of lives. After the war, it headed a large-scale effort to rehabilitate the survivors who were mostly left to their own devices in their places of deportation. By setting up refugee camps, orphanages, medical clinics and educational facilities, Near East Relief rescued the surviving Armenian population.
In the post-war period nearly four hundred of the key CUP officials implicated in the atrocities committed against the Armenians were arrested. A number of domestic military tribunals were convened which brought charges ranging from the unconstitutional seizure of power and subversion of the legal government, the conduct of a war of aggression, and conspiring the liquidation of the Armenian population, to more explicit capital crimes, including massacre. Some of the accused were found guilty of the charges. Most significantly, the ruling triumvirate was condemned to death. They, however, eluded justice by fleeing abroad. Their escape left the matter of avenging the countless victims to a clandestine group of survivors that tracked down the CUP arch conspirators. Talaat, the principal architect of the Armenian genocide, was killed in 1921 in Berlin where he had gone into hiding. His assassin was arrested and tried in a German court which acquitted him.
Most of those implicated in war crimes evaded justice and many joined the new Nationalist Turkish movement led by Mustafa Kemal. In a series of military campaigns against Russian Armenia in 1920, against the refugee Armenians who had returned to Cilicia in southern Turkey in 1921, and against the Greek army that had occupied Izmir (Smyrna) where the last intact Armenian community in Anatolia still existed in 1922, the Nationalist forces completed the process of eradicating the Armenians through further expulsions and massacres. When Turkey was declared a republic in 1923 and received international recognition, the Armenian Question and all related matters of resettlement and restitution were swept aside and soon forgotten.
In all, it is estimated that up to a million and a half Armenians perished at the hands of Ottoman and Turkish military and paramilitary forces and through atrocities intentionally inflicted to eliminate the Armenian demographic presence in Turkey. In the process, the population of historic Armenia at the eastern extremity of Anatolia was wiped off the map. With their disappearance, an ancient people which had inhabited the Armenian highlands for three thousand years lost its historic homeland and was forced into exile and a new diaspora. The surviving refugees spread around the world and eventually settled in some two dozen countries on all continents of the globe. Triumphant in its total annihilation of the Armenians and relieved of any obligations to the victims and survivors, the Turkish Republic adopted a policy of dismissing the charge of genocide and denying that the deportations and atrocities had constituted part of a deliberate plan to exterminate the Armenians. When the Red Army sovietized what remained of Russian Armenia in 1920, the Armenians had been compressed into an area amounting to no more than ten percent of the territories of their historic homeland. Armenians annually commemorate the Genocide on April 24 at the site of memorials raised by the survivors in all their communities around the world.
“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, literature is unread, music is unheard, and prayers are no more answered. Go ahead, destroy Armenia . See if you can do it. Send them into the desert without bread or water. Burn their homes and churches. Then see if they will not laugh, sing and pray again. For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.” By – William Saroyan
Charlie Bisharat is a Grammy-winning violinist who has toured and/or recorded with numerous notable artists. He was a member of Shadowfax, who won a Best New Age Performance Grammy in 1988 for Folksongs for a Nuclear Village
A version of the Classical Greek song “Gie mou”My Son”, written by the composer Apostolos Kaldaras and sung originally by Stamatis Kokotas (Greece).
Mino Element Band Members
Aram Kasabian – Lead Guitar
Sevan Manoukian – Drummer
Hratch Panossian – Bass
Samer Khoury – Violin
Tony Amer – Saxophone
Haim Cohen – KeyBoard
Albert Panikian – Trumpet
Nicole Del Sol – Percussion
Dana Debos – Trombone
Lyrics:
My son, it’s my pain unbearable dear
to see you as xerofyllo wind
in life chased turning
My son, did not hear your devious father
drifted and day by day
Being twenty years old and yet grow old
My son, what do you expect, my IP
in a muddy road
you’ll be always like a tree uprooted
without destiny, without sun and sky
My son, my yearning to Reflect
Come home to sweeten your wound
My son, my son, how I hurt
My son, it ‘s my people cruel dear
the lords it ‘merchants of war
and laugh when we tear rolls
My son, do not think anyone my beloved
as though your friends rejoiced, my God
that You ‘ve now fallen so low
Copyright Disclaimer Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for “fair use” for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or personal use tips the balance in favor of fair use
Written by Armen Tasmanian & Akriti Mattu Lyrics “Never Alone Again” Genre: Rabiz Year: 2014 Producer: Edward Khoury & Sami Abdo Recording & arrangement: Paramount Studios
Never Alone Again
To you I give the whole me
For I believe that you’re my destiny
To you I offer every best of my heart
For I believe that you will value it
I want to share my whole life with you
For me to show that my love is true
I want to hold you in my arms
And sing you songs and lullabies
Oh My Darling Clementine – Love this song. Everyone finds the song really dark, but I find it very comforting. I think this song has some psychic significant to my life. Don’t know why. This song shouldn’t be my favorite song. I am dedicating this song to my cousins child of 12 years old who is preparing himself to go to the hospital. “We must embrace pain and burn it as fuel for our journey.”
“Mihran Kalaydjian ” Mino”…a stunning young pianist…His keyboard touch proved consistently firm, meticulously balanced and tastefully assertive, and his sense of phrasing lucidly energetic…” His beautiful sound and dynamic virtuosity melody.
With a piano style somewhere between Chopin and George Winston. Mihran “Mino” brings melody and heart back to instrumental music. Mihran’s music introduces us to a wilderness of musical ideas which the listener becomes anxious to explore.
By Mihran Kalaydjian, CHA
Marketing/Media Writer, Strategist and Consultant
A group of mature women, in their late 50’s, perhaps 60’s, is clustered on the sidewalk on yet another hot autumn day. The weather is better suited for a mid summer beach vacation than an average Thursday in September. It evokes the feeling of lazy summer afternoons where one has nothing better to do than be just bored.
The women are giggling and stealing glances towards a second story window. From this distance I assume they are talking to one of their friends in the apartment above. As I approach them, the upstairs window slowly comes into view from behind the branches of a tree. The window is shut tight against the elements but the curtains are pulled aside and, towards the bottom of the frame, is a man’s head. With a full head of grey hair and a happy grin, he is admiring the women below. He is the focus of the women’s attention. Very aware of his presence, they act dismissively towards him but it’s clear that they are flirting and are enjoying his attention as much as he is enjoying theirs.
In this predominantly Armenian city in the heart of a major American city, this small scene, which took place on a busy street surrounded by the symbols of the 21st century, their behavior erased all the modern sounds and images and pulled me back into an era that existed long before my time. An era when most Armenians lived in villages, perhaps surrounded by the lush fields of the Ararat plains or along the shores of the Mediterranean, when young women giggled and flirted with boys while under the watchful gaze of their elders.
During the course of the summer, several outdoor festivals drew crowds of young people where groups of girls walked shoulder to shoulder by groups of young men with low slung shorts and carefully coiffed hair. Neither group would look at the other but each was highly aware of the other. Their nuanced interactions, made up of sidelong glances and physical posturing, was apparent only to those still in tune with their inner teenager.
Despite the forty year gap, the women on the street were no different than the teenagers at the festival. Now it seems there are health benefits to flirting. Engaging in a little harmless flirting helps you feel good, generates positive energy and builds confidence and self esteem. Unarguably humans are social creatures. We crave attention and even if we are getting sufficient amounts of it from those closest to us, we still want more.
First of all, flirting reminds us that we are still attractive. A well placed, sincere compliment, especially from a stranger, boosts our self esteem, which some studies show increases our brain functions.
Second, in a healthy relationship, flirting can only bring the couple closer to one another. A little harmless competition rebuilds a little of the mystery that drew the couple together in the first place. This certainly can reignite the passion of the early days of courtship when everything was new and fresh, conversations lasted into the night and the evening help many other possibilities.
And lastly, flirting is a well known stress reducer. It allows us to escape, no matter how briefly, the weight and tedium of our overscheduled daily lives.
In an informal poll conducted by Yahoo, 50 percent of respondents said they felt “young and sexy” when flirting and 37 percent said they were in a better mood after flirting, like a “natural high” possibly caused by a surge in hormones.
Admittedly there is a fine line between innocent flirting and the kind that gets one classified as the office slut or the unfaithful spouse. The goal is not to “score” but simply be charming without crossing physical boundaries or becoming sexually explicit.
Although our social norms have evolved since the days living in the village, not much has changed in the interactions between men and women. Given the stressful conditions of living in a big city, with its myriad of challenges, it seems this time worn activity has kept its appeal and is actually good for you. So indulge your sense of fun, whether it be one-on-one or in groups of friends, just like the women on the street, so that those watching from a distance don’t see the grey hair or the wrinkles but the lighthearted teenagers we all once were.
It’s that time of the year again when Armenians across the world—but especially in the United States—await the annual White House statement on the Armenian Genocide, which, since 1981, has never actually used the word “Genocide.”
This will be President Obama’s sixth such statement, the last five of which clearly veered from his campaign promise to recognize the Armenian Genocide and used euphemisms to characterize what actually happened and played into the an almost century-long campaign by Turkey to deny the events of 1915. Essentially, the president who campaigned for “change” himself became complicit in the crime of Genocide by unabashedly denying it as an apologist for Turkey.
This year, however, two recent statements make us wonder whether Obama’s April 24 statement will be different—different bad or different good?
Earlier this week, US Ambassador to Armenia John Heffern said that the White House was planning to issue a statement that would signal a change in US policy regarding the Armenian Genocide. He did immediately add that he was unsure whether the word Genocide would be used or not, signaling that whatever the vernacular not much change was coming down the pipeline.
Then on Wednesday, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, issued a verbose and absurd statement, which in a nutshell was adeptly characterized by the ANCA as “repackaging denial.” Using the tried and true “shared suffering” argument articulated by Turkish officials for decades, Erdogan offered condolences to the descendents of Genocide survivors—almost a century too late.
In 2009, Obama chose Turkey as the destination of his first official visit and during public appearances urged the government and citizens of Turkey to come to terms with their past. Then in a defeatist move, the Obama administration took to pushing the State Department-crafted Turkey-Armenia protocols, which was inherited from the Bush Administration, but nevertheless was embraced by the then Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Did Heffern preview a “change” in US policy based on his knowledge that Erdogan was about to issue an announcement? Does the Obama Administration view Erdogan’s feeble attempt at, once again, rewriting history as a sign that Turkey is heeding his call and coming to terms with its past?
One thing is clear: If any mention of Erdogan’s statement finds its way into Obama’s April 24 statement, then it cements the reality the US is unable to advocate for justice and human rights around the globe and is a victim of Turkey’s imposed gag rule on the Genocide, further perpetuating US’s complicity in the crime.
Will Obama hide behind Erdogan’s/Turkey’s hypocrisy? As Americans we hope that he will NOT!